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National Gender and ICT Policies in Uruguay: A Call To Action

Wednesday 20 Dec 2006, Cecilia Gordano

In Uruguay, the National Women’s Institute (INAMU) led a consultation process with a range of social actors to develop the First National Plan for Equality of Opportunities and Rights (PPNIOD), planned for the period from 2007 to 2011. One of the chapters of the Plan, entitled “Innovative Uruguay”, includes the strategic aim of an “increase in women’s access to information and communication technologies (ICTs), eliminating the current gender gap”. According to GenderIT collaborator Cecilia Gordano, this represents “a big step forward on the slow journey towards consolidating a national strategy for digital inclusion. Nevertheless, the timidity with which this need is addressed leads one to believe that pieces of this puzzle are still missing”.

When drums sound on the streets of Montevideo, it is said that they “call”; that they convoke people to draw near, to dance, and to join the display of a culture that black slaves brought with them from Africa when they arrived in the region hundreds of years ago. This rhythm known as candombe is today, a rich heritage which has spread to all sectors of society through the Afro-Uruguayan community, and comes to a head in an annual festival known as “Las llamadas” [“The Calls”], where various groups parade down the street playing drums and dancing.

Before the start of the Citizen Assembly for Equality of Opportunities and Rights in Montevideo, organised by the National Women’s Institute (INAMU), a group of drummers played candombe in the streets, convoking people to participate. The Assembly was one of the mechanisms the INAMU put into place throughout the country in October and November 2006 as part of the process of consulting with diverse social actors to develop the First National Plan for Equality of Opportunities and Rights (PPNIOD), planned for the period from 2007 to 2011.

Shifting Political Landscape

This initiative has arisen in a particularly favourable political context, given that for the first time in Uruguayan history, the national government for the period from 2005 to 2010 is in the hands of a political force made up of left-wing groups. This meant important changes in the political governance of the country, including new faces in positions of power, the incorporation of actors historically marginalised from decision-making spaces such as civil society groups, and the creation of new government entities committed to human rights, such as the Ministry of Social Development (MIDES). Although this administration has not been in power for long, important changes can be seen in the political agenda, and there is a breadth of perspectives more in keeping with the times.

One of the areas where this new spirit can be felt is in the efforts to institutionalise a gender perspective as a cross-cutting theme in the design and implementation of national policies. In this regard, the INAMU has clearly signalled that it is taking up the challenge. Under the leadership of a well-known feminist Carmen Beramendi, the organisation is establishing itself as the primary promoter of transformations from the inside. With its new team and the conviction that “they who name, claim (power)”, the old name of the National Family and Women’s Institute (INFM) was changed by law, as were its functions and the Ministry under which it falls. The INFM was previously under the Ministry of Education and Culture, and amongst its objectives was “promoting, planning, designing, formulating, executing and evaluating national policies relating to women and families”.

Today the INAMU is part of MIDES, and has reworked its strategic objectives to “serve as a guiding institution for gender policies, by promoting, designing, coordinating, linking together and executing as well as monitoring and evaluating public policies”. Beyond their symbolic value, these changes establish the groundwork for the promotion of women’s rights from a different space – one which recognises women as autonomous subjects, not simply appendages to “the family”, but rather as protagonists of their own lives and legitimate social actors in the construction of equitable and truly democratic societies.

The PPNIOD is the first genuine intent to use policy to transform the structural inequalities of a patriarchal society that has relegated women to private spaces and reproductive tasks on the basis of gender, depriving them of the full exercise of citizenship, hindering their public participation, restricting their rights and obliging them to live within systems thought up by and for men.

One of the chapters of the Plan, entitled “Innovative Uruguay”, proposes “to promote measures which provide incentives for sustainable development processes which take into consideration equal access and participation in processes of technological, scientific and cultural innovation, as a form of assuring equality in levels of social well-being”. Amongst its strategic aims is the “increase in access by women to information and communication technologies (ICTs), eliminating the current gender gap”.

If this objective were to become reality, the Uruguayan state would thereby reaffirm its political will to comply with its international commitments (including section J of the Beijing Platform relating to Women and Media and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) as well as regionally (the eLAC 2007 Regional Action Plan and the Rio Commitment).

A necessary critique

A government institution identifying the need to improve women’s access to ICTs is a big step forward on the slow journey towards consolidating a national strategy for digital inclusion. Nevertheless, the timidity with which this need is addressed leads one to believe that pieces of this puzzle are still missing.

In this first consultation phase, the PPNIOD is a draft in the process of being firmed up, and is moving towards a final version to be written and approved by the national Executive. For this very reason many issues are dealt with in an excessively condensed or general way. In the case of ICTs, the policies should go beyond the issue of access and emphasise appropriation – meaningful, critical and conscious use – of ICT tools as a means for (self) transformation and empowerment. One of the Plan’s action lines points in this direction by proposing development with “content that guarantees the incorporation of a gender perspective in the use of ICTs and promotes an innovative, equitable, and non-discriminatory culture”. On the other hand, several inevitable questions arise from reading the proposal, such as how it will be implemented, and with whom.

When consulted on the priority level of ICTs in the Plan, Marisa Lindner, a consultant with the INAMU, clarified that this “will be defined according to the advances that are achieved with organisations. It’s a question of support, and it is not a top priority on the women’s agenda, although it does come out in the working groups at the assemblies. The Institute is particularly interested in this issue. The problem lies in finding the support to sustain it and move it forward.”

When it is a question of support, it is essential to join forces and coordinate with other social actors. Nevertheless, it is difficult to make that actually happen when there is not a clear sense of what support is available. In the past few years, several initiatives have been put forward from different sectors in Uruguay, all of them committed to doing their part to enter into the so-called Information Society. However in many cases this has happened in a disorganised way without any systematisation or coordination – a reflection of the lack of national plans. To turn this around, Parliament approved the creation of the Agencies for Electronic Governance and for an Information and Knowledge Society (AGESIC) in June 2006. One of the tasks on the agenda for 2007, though in fact already underway, is a survey of initiatives by diverse social actors, including non-governmental organisations (NGOs).

With regards to building a critical mass “which can facilitate the participation of civil society in the elaboration, definition and monitoring of public policies on information and communication”, it is worth mentioning the formation in 2004 of a network of organisations and institutions called the Forum for Citizen Communication and Participation.

As to the inclusion of a gender perspective in ICTs, a pilot project carried out by the feminist NGO Cotidiano Mujer (Daily Woman) stands out. Together with the Women’s Secretariat of the Municipality of Montevideo, Cotidiano Mujer invited 15 neighbourhood representatives from a marginal area of the city to participate in a workshop in which, on top of familiarising themselves with computer use, they reflected on the possible uses of ICT tools to transform gender inequalities.

Inconclusive conclusions

Although Uruguay is quantitatively well positioned in the ranking of ICT access in Latin America, it lacks national digital inclusion policies that promote the democratisation of the economic, cultural and political opportunities that these tools offer.

The challenge is all the greater when it comes to gender because alongside defining a National Plan for Equality of Opportunities and Rights, it is necessary to coordinate actions with other social actors in an arena which is diffuse due to a lack of systematisation and continuity of efforts that have been launched to enable the population to participate actively in the Information Society as citizens rather than as passive consumers of technological offerings.

In this uncertain landscape, the one thing that is clear is the need to widen the spectrum of social actors participating in the discussion of proposals, enriching the debate and contributing from their areas of influence so as to consolidate a truly inclusive and equitable national plan. It is definitely time to answer the call.

Give us your opinion...
   17 Feb 2007 11:08 Emmie Wade:
 National Policies and Gender equality in Uruguay
 

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